@Morningsider, it is certainly a detailed report, as far as it goes. However one of the main issues is the terms of reference, and the parameters limiting its recommendations. These are neatly summed up in the following paragraph:
"71. It is clear that the United Kingdom differs in fundamental respects from all other funding systems. In particular, the United Kingdom is characterised by historic constitutional asymmetries and by the limited fiscal powers of the devolved administrations. Consequently, with the exception of the Australian Commonwealth Grants Commission, such systems can offer relatively little to help with United Kingdom issues. What is needed is a British system to address specifically British issues."
So, there we have it. Various federal systems are mentioned in passing; the Australian federal model is gone into in more detail; ultimately though this is a proposed reform which aims to change only criteria for centralised distribution of funds. So the so-called "alternatives" are not even considered seriously.
The report does make some welcome suggestions however:
"72. We have drawn attention above to the lack of transparency of the operation of the system, and the dominant role of the Treasury. It is no longer appropriate for the Treasury to make decisions on the allocation of funding and to administer that system without external independent advice and audit. Though we do not believe that the Australian model for grant allocation would be right for the United Kingdom, we consider that the role of the Commonwealth Grants Commission in Australia offers a useful institutional model of an independent body that has responsibility for making recommendations about the allocation of finance."
There are some interesting discussions of "fairness" in pp. 82-83, citing opinions from the Tax Payers Alliance on England "subsidising" Scotland, and special pleading from Wales and Northern Ireland for more funding due to their special "needs".
Here's a rather revealing paragraph:
"86. John Swinney MSP told us that it would be very difficult to undertake an assessment of relative need (Q 192) and that in any event such an assessment should not be undertaken because it could not be 'objective'. Others said that financial arrangements should only be changed as part of a much more comprehensive review of devolution as a whole (or indeed of the whole constitution and governmental structure of the United Kingdom) (Q 741). We reject these views."
(The "we" including Lords Forsyth, Lang and Lawson).
They go on later:
"101. While we are not in a position to reach a conclusion about precise relative needs in the four countries and regions, on the basis of our initial analysis, we believe that Scotland now has markedly lower overall need than Wales and Northern Ireland in comparison to England. The current allocation of spending does not properly reflect this basic pattern across the devolved administrations."
Anyway, after a rather skewed look at the "evidence", surprise surprise, the conclusion is that Scotland's "needs" are lower than everyone else's! An argument then for cuting the block grant! Their self-proclaimed "top-down approach" is aimed squarely at placating the complaints of "subsiding" Scotland from Middle England, and at playing the devolved administrations off against each other.
Certainly not a "solid piece of work", but the usual political partisanship in favour of keeping power over financial distribution centralised in England.